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Vote ZANU-PF or Starve Zimbabwe: August to October
2002
20th November, 2002 Physicians for Human Rights,
Denmark |
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The child is from an MDC supporting family in Midlands that allegedly has been consistently denied access to food, including to WFP donor food, on political grounds. On 28th October 2002, the child was diagnosed as having kwashiorkor, a condition caused by protein and calorie deficiency. This opinion was reached based on the following symptoms: For full details of this case, see report below |
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| Note: the visible umbilical hernia is irrelevant medically speaking and is not linked to starvation. | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Summary and Conclusions The overriding conclusion of Physicians for Human Rights, Denmark (PHR-DK), based on our most recent findings, is that the political abuse of food is the most serious and widespread human rights violation in Zimbabwe at this time. Conclusions of previous reports This report is the third report in 2002 on torture in Zimbabwe written by Physicians for Human Rights, Denmark (PHR-DK). In January and May 2002, earlier reports concluded that mutilating torture was being practised by government supporters against the political opposition, and that perpetrators operated on the assumption of total impunity. Our May report further documented a phenomenon last seen in Zimbabwe in1984 - the political manipulation of hunger in some areas, to exclude from all routes of gaining staple food those labelled as opposition supporters. The January and May reports both reflected concern at the clamp down on the Zimbabwean judiciary, media and civil society and its impact on the flow of information on human rights abuses to the international community. In May we warned that in the Zimbabwean context, fewer formal reports about abuses did not indicate that fewer abuses were taking place. Rather it indicated that repressive legislation and a growing government campaign against independent voices had succeeded in decreasing the information flow. Conclusions of current report We document in this report that in the second half
of 2002, torture and ill treatment beyond any doubt is still being
practised by government supporters against their political opponents,
in Zimbabwe. The fact that perpetrators continue not to care whether
they torture people who can identify them, or whether their acts
of torture or ill treatment leave marks that can easily be recognised
as caused by torture, underlines a clear assumption on their part,
of impunity. Our current findings further reinforce our previous conclusion that there is a deliberate policy of torture and impunity by the authorities. The current report documents that attacks on independent voices in the media, the judiciary and civil society have indeed continued, and are predicted to escalate yet further in the next few months, in the form of further repressive legislation, as well as attacks on individuals. Government officials, in the last few months, have ignored court rulings and condoned attacks on court officials who made rulings unfavourable to government. The appointment of a new Minister of Home Affairs appears to have coincided with an escalation of reported torture perpetrated by the police. The most significant findings in this report relate
to political abuse of food. Abuse of government controlled "food for work" programmes and of sales from the government controlled Grain Marketing Board, were reported to us from 18 different districts and centres. This is indicative of a wide spread and deliberate strategy, in which opposition supporters are being denied the right to maize. In all cases of problematic food distribution, those implicated in politically manipulating access to food, are Zanu-PF officials or supporters. Zanu-PF appears to be maintaining a situation where there is too little food in the country, by controlling all sales and imports. Too little food is serving a dual purpose: it allows political control through controlling who accesses food; it facilitates the creation of a Zanu-PF dominated black market, thus enriching the Zanu-PF hierarchy. Strategies need to be found to dramatically increase the flow of food into the country, and to free it from government control, which is equivalent to partisan Zanu-PF control. If it is not possible to increase non-partisan food supplies into the country, it is our opinion that starvation and eventually death, will occur along party political lines in Zimbabwe. JOHANNESBURG, 20 November 2002 The intention of this report, as with the two previous PHR-DK reports this year, is to focus on patterns of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe, as observed by the authors, or as reported to them by victims and key informants. A task force from Denmark visited Zimbabwe and their findings are summarised here. This report covers the time period August to October 2002. It is apparent that torture of opposition supporters and the political manipulation of food increased significantly in the weeks before and immediately after the Rural District Council elections of 28th and 29th September. Abuse included destruction of houses and property both before and after the elections, as well as physical torture of individuals. Similar patterns of abuse were noted in relation to the Insiza parliamentary by-election of 26th and 27th October. This is in accordance with previous findings by ourselves and other commentators that political abuses are directly linked to elections, and that persons who are perceived to be supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) are the most likely victims of such abuses. Supporters of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) continue to be the most common perpetrators of political human rights abuses. Abuse of food has become an entrenched means of intimidating populations perceived as hostile to Zanu-PF. This is now more widely acknowledged than it was a few months ago, including within diplomatic and international circles. The Zimbabwean government at times admits, and at other times denies, that this is an official or condoned policy. This report documents incidents that point towards systematic control of who has the right to purchase food from the government controlled Grain Marketing Board (GMB). It further documents exclusion of perceived MDC supporters from the right to participate in government "money/food for work" schemes. As in the May report, this report once more documents political abuse of donor food. While it must be clearly stated that by no means all, or even most, donor feeding schemes are being subjected to political manipulation, attempts by the Zimbabwean government to use donor food as a weapon to punish those supporting the opposition have become more blatant and widespread in the last two months, at the very same time that hunger has become more widespread. This has resulted in a US Government official stating on 4th November 2002 that they would consider "very intrusive and interventionist measures to ensure food is delivered to all Zimbabweans who need it, regardless of political affiliation". 2. Structure of the report and approach towards compiling material Comprehensive information on the causes of the current famine and its status are well covered in other available reports . Furthermore, there have been several statements and extensive reports released nationally and internationally, evaluating political and economic events in Zimbabwe. The current report does not seek to duplicate this information available elsewhere. • We comment on the continued erosion of democracy and the rule of law, based on information available from media and other reports, including key informant interviews by the authors. • We provide an overview of some aspects of the Rural District Council elections and the Insiza parliamentary by-election, highlighting generally available information on the destruction of property, political manipulation of food, and use of violence, in the context of these elections. • We conducted in-depth interviews with a range of people claiming political abuses, including denial of access to food, property loss and torture. • We conducted field trips to observe for ourselves, claims regarding burning of properties and manipulation of food. We conducted clinical examinations of persons claiming torture. • We conclude that our findings in the field, and our medical findings, are in keeping with general claims of a systematic policy of (a) the abuse of food, (b) the destruction of property and (c) physical torture, as integrated parts of the Zimbabwe government's approach to opposition supporters, and to rural election campaigns August to October 2002. 3.1 Historical background: key events August to October 2002
The following is a brief summary of some of the key events that illustrate that the undermining of all democratic freedoms and voices has indeed continued. Undermining of the courts and the judiciary • The physical assault of a magistrate in Chipinge
and the destruction of property belonging to an attorney in Chipinge
on 16th August 2002. The attack on Mr. Walter Chikwanha was carried
out by war veterans in retaliation for the fulfilment of his duties
as a magistrate. Mr. Langton Mhungu, a local lawyer, was then pursued
by the same group, who vandalized his car in apparent retaliation
for his representation of clients belonging to the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC). Undermining of Parliament Parliament once again in September had its Standing Orders and Rules suspended in order to allow the government to fast track further amendments to the Land Acquisition Bill. This was after several commercial farmers had successfully challenged their evictions in the high court. "De facto" impunity for perpetrators of politically motivated violence • The previous trend of failure of police to
arrest and prosecute perpetrators of "political" crimes
continues: human rights groups report that it is not possible for
victims to open cases or bring their persecutors to justice; this
is in accordance with information given by victims in this report
(see all cases in this report and the two previous reports by PHR-DK
in 2002). Undermining of freedom of the press and of expression • On 29th August, one of two independent radio
stations in Zimbabwe, "Voice of the People", was destroyed
in a midnight bomb explosion. Undermining of non governmental organisations (NGOs) • On 29 August, Dr Frances Lovemore of Amani
Trust was arrested and detained overnight on charges of publishing
falsehoods. Amani Trust works with victims of torture and Dr. Lovemore
was accused of falsely saying that youth militia raped MDC supporters
in their camps. Attacks on teachers • Teaching them a lesson: A report on the attacks
on Zimbabwean teachers, ZHRNGO Forum, 23 September 2002. This report
documents a policy of attacks on teachers, particularly in rural
schools, affecting those perceived not to support the ruling party.
The 238 individually documented violations in the report include
unfair dismissal, assault, torture, abduction, and the political
closure of 29 schools, during an 18 month period. Destruction of homesteads • During October and November 2002, the task team from PHR-DK conducted field visits to areas where it had been alleged that properties had been destroyed, or threatened with destruction, in the wake of the RDC elections This included Binga, Filabusi, and Esigodini in Matabeleland North and South. In all cases, the team found that homesteads had been destroyed as reported by victims, or in the media (photographs 2-4, following page). In Esigodini, a farm compound was entirely razed by war veterans in the process of a farm invasion, displacing approximately 100 farm workers. Three homesteads in Binga and one in Filabusi were visited by us. They were destroyed, according to the victims, in retribution for voting MDC in the Rural District Council elections. There have been reports from other districts of similar property burnings in the wake of the RDC elections, although it was not logistically possible to confirm all cases with field visits. As one example of several sworn statements made by persons who had their houses burnt down, see affidavit by Q, Annex 1, page 57.
A brief overview of the nationwide Rural District Council (RDC) elections, and the Insiza Parliamentary by-election, is given here. This is in order to contextualise the following sections in this report, which will give specific instances illustrating the destruction of property, the manipulation of food, and use of torture that occurred during the campaign period and in the aftermath of these elections. The last two years in Zimbabwe have shown that it is in the rural areas of Zimbabwe where Zanu-PF retain most of their support. In the elections of 2000 and 2002, including several municipal elections, urban centres nationwide voted overwhelmingly for MDC . In 2000, in Matabeleland rural and urban areas, 21 out of 23 parliamentary seats were won by MDC. According to a report entitled 'Report on Local Authority Election 28-29 September 2002', by the Zimbabwe Electoral Supervisory Network (ZESN), "To ZANU PF the election was conceded to be a battle for supremacy and political space. As a ruling party, its aim was to consolidate power at all levels of governance starting from central to local governance using any means at their disposal." It has also become apparent over the last two years of documented human rights abuses, that the rural areas remain most vulnerable to political intimidation; throughout 2002, attacks by war veterans and youth militia have occurred systematically, particularly in rural Zanu-PF stronghold areas such as Mashonaland and parts of the Midlands. The Rural District Council elections set for September 2002 were considered key by Zanu-PF, who needed to hold these areas to compensate for the erosion of their control in urban areas. A particularly key reason for wanting to control the rural areas politically at this time is the strategic role being played by Rural District Councillors in the sale and distribution of GMB food, and control over who is eligible for government "Money/ Food For Work" programmes. We will document in the following section, how abuse of food sales is, in some instances, enriching Zanu-PF officials at the rural level, while simultaneously depriving MDC supporters of food.
During the process of nomination for this election,
it was clearly indicated that Zanu-PF intended to maintain its dominance
of all Rural District Councils. On 27th September 2002, the MDC placed an urgent application in the High Court, requesting the suspension of the elections, scheduled to begin the next day. They cited widespread violence and intimidation. However, the High Court ruled against them, saying the application was not urgent, and the election went ahead. 28th and 29th September: the RDC elections - "fear of hunger and fear of assault" Zanu-PF won the vast majority of the 646 contested seats in the Rural District Council elections. The election days were typified by voter apathy, with some councillors being elected with between 100 and 200 votes in their wards. In Binga, a remote rural district in Matabeleland North, MDC won convincingly with 16 seats out of 21, but apart from this district, MDC seats were scarce and mainly restricted to parts of Matabeleland North and South. ZESN (op cit) comments: "Results were announced in the counting centres and have also been published in the print media. However it is of concern that not all the results have been published and the district results which were announced on ZTV on Wednesday 2 October do not tally. As such the official results remain the exclusive property of the Registrar-General's office so far." • Some polling day violence was reported, including
the abduction and severe assault of 4 named MDC polling agents in
Masvingo. 30th September to 15th October: retribution In the post RDC election phase, there were reports
from around the country of attacks on MDC individuals and their
property. Such attacks targeted those who had successfully, or unsuccessfully,
stood for MDC in the elections, as well as MDC polling agents and
nominators of candidates. The Insiza by-election The death of the MDC Member of Parliament for Insiza resulted in an October parliamentary by-election in this constituency. The campaign period was marred by widespread reports of violence by Zanu-PF supporters and the open political abuse of food, including donor food, by Zanu-PF. Reported violence: • An MDC official was shot in a police station,
in front of police, by the Zanu-PF MP-candidate, Andrew Langa. (see
Case C in this report for affidavits and photographs relevant to
the incident). Reported food abuse: • In mid-October, the World Food Programme (WFP)
suspended food aid "until further notice" in Insiza District,
citing political interference with WFP food ahead of the by-election.
The WFP reported that Zanu-PF activists had seized 3 tonnes of maize
being distributed by the Organisation of Rural Associations for
Progress (ORAP) and had distributed it solely to Zanu-PF supporters,
"in an unauthorised manner". The election went ahead and Zanu-PF won the vote. Andrew Langa, who, in a politically motivated attack, is alleged to have shot a man in a police station days before the election, is now a Member of Parliament in Zimbabwe.
"Why do I get the impression, that I have to beg you to feed your people?" The evidence we have gathered is limited, also geographically, covering only certain districts in the western half of the country which we visited. However, media and other reports indicate that political abuse of food, particularly of government controlled food, is to be found nationwide, and could affect tens of thousands of people, including small children. Furthermore, we acknowledge that it is not only opposition party supporters who are currently at risk of starvation. In all, more than half the nation does not have enough to eat. Those who are ill with HIV, the old and the orphaned are high risk groups, regardless of their political affiliation . However, these groups are not being deliberately or systematically deprived of food by government, and are groups that in any famine situation would face a high risk of starvation, because of their already poor health and/or socio-economic status. This chapter is focused on those groups deliberately excluded from access to food, by state agents and their supporters, for political reasons. For the benefit of those not familiar with the mechanisms of access to food in Zimbabwe, the following summary is repeated, with slight modifications, from the May 2002 PHR-DK report. There are three main ways of rural dwellers accessing maize at the moment. These are: 1. Government "food for work" programmes: it is a long standing policy that in times of drought, families with no harvest and no money to purchase food should perform public labour, for example repairing rural roads, in return for food. 2. Purchasing of maize through the government controlled Grain Marketing Board (GMB): all sales and movement of maize, including the price, remains entirely controlled by the government. GMB depots are found in all rural and urban districts, and in rural areas, are the only legal buying points for maize at this time. It should be added that the continued insistence of the government in maintaining total control of grain imports and sales has been repeatedly criticised by commentators both within and without Zimbabwe, including the UN, as it is one of the major reasons for the under-availability of maize in Zimbabwe at the current time. 3. Donor feeding schemes for high risk groups, controlled to varying degrees depending on the district and the donor policy, by the donors themselves, the government, and the ruling party and its affiliates at ground level. This latter group include ZANU controlled rural district councils, traditional leadership, youth militia and war veterans. The first two maize access mechanisms are run entirely at the discretion of government employees, and are particularly open to political selectivity: in rural areas, and also some urban areas, only known Zanu-PF supporters are allowed to benefit. Control of sales A Zimbabwean commentator recently observed for himself
and summarised the system being used to control GMB maize sales
in small urban centres. Other reports indicate confiscation of maize and other food stuffs at police road blocks around the country, ensuring that areas that have a deficit cannot be subsidised from other areas within Zimbabwe. Control of food entering the country The government is currently actively preventing food
from various sources from coming into Zimbabwe. Persons are limited
to one bag of maize each on entering across the border. Control of donor food entering the country Even credible donors, who have imported food into Zimbabwe in previous droughts without hindrance, have had their food embargoed at the border. The Catholic Church has had its direct imports blocked. CAFOD have been stopped from bringing in 1000 tonnes for the Bulawayo diocese, allegedly because the government intensely dislikes the Archbishop of Bulawayo, Pius Ncube who is an outspoken critic of the government. Oxfam Great Britain has also been prevented from playing a role in food imports, as has the UNDP, which proposed funding direct private sector imports. Brian Macgarry, a Jesuit priest currently trying
to import maize for his parish, comments on the arduous process
of trying to get permission to bring in food. The black market In addition, there is a fourth and widely reported way of accessing maize countrywide now, which is via the black market. According to our information and according to other reports, the black market is mostly controlled by Zanu-PF officials, from the level of RDC councillors, to Cabinet Ministers and politburo members. The monopoly by Zanu-PF on all food sales via the GMB has a double benefit to the ruling party: control of food sales can be used to starve the opposition, thereby undermining their political support, while simultaneously enriching those Zanu-PF officials who sell maize on the black market. Abuse of donor food in Insiza and Binga Political abuse of donor food in these two districts has been well documented in the media. Donor food was stopped by war veterans in Binga after the Presidential elections. The situation took six weeks to resolve. In October, Save the Children feeding was stopped in Binga, as was church feeding, to punish the region for voting strongly for MDC in the RDC elections. To date, 6 weeks later, the situation remains unresolved. As this is one of the poorest districts in Zimbabwe, where thousands of people are now on the point of starvation, this political interference with food must be condemned. In Insiza, the WFP stopped ORAP donor feeding programmes
after Zanu supporters hijacked 3 tonnes of maize and distributed
it in an "unauthorised manner", ahead of the by-election
there. To date, 20th November, feeding by WFP has not resumed in
Insiza. Once more, it is thousands of genuinely hungry people who
are paying the price for political abuse by government supporters. All interviews and field visits took place from August to November 2002. The cases summarised here represent interviews with more than 100 people who, during this period, reported denial of access to food on political grounds to the authors. Interviews and findings We conducted in-depth interviews with a range of people claiming politically-motivated denial of access to food. When individuals claimed systematic food abuse in their areas, where politically possible, we conducted field trips to establish whether one person's story was being corroborated by others in a particular area. Some claims made to us could not be verified from more than one source. Where possible written documentation was asked for, but it is clear that most statements advocating withholding of food from people on political grounds, are made verbally to largely illiterate rural civilians. Hard evidence of official government attitude is therefore difficult to find. Some individuals provided extensive documentation from victims, indicating that possibly thousands of persons in their district were victims of political food abuse. In some instances, victims made sworn statements in the presence of the authors. Information included in this chapter is limited to those claims where we felt there was a high probability that the reports were true, based on the fact that multiple persons, interviewed from the same area but at different points in time and space, were indicating a similar pattern of abuse to us. We would observe whether several testimonies agreed on (a) time, (b) place, (c) events, (d) perpetrators and victims named, in order to assess whether various testimonies were corroborating each other. Interviews were frequently video-taped. We also videoed the nutritional status of children, household food supplies, and preparing of indigenous fruits to supplement diets. This may provide a reference for repeat visits over time, to note any deterioration in these factors. Abuse convincingly reported to us included manipulation of all routes to food, including FFW schemes, purchasing of food from the GMB, and the nature of the maize black market at rural level. Reports also indicated that in some areas, abuse of donor food takes place. All interviewees reported that they had been denied food for political reasons, some being supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change, the dominant opposition party in Zimbabwe, and others being assumed to be so. In all cases, the manipulation of food was by government officials or Zanu-PF activists. All interviewees agreed to the publishing of their evidence, on guarantee of anonymity. Permission was given for the use of the photograph of the child on the title page. In this report, all interviewed persons are anonymous. Districts are indicated, but exact location of incidents is omitted, to protect interviewees and their families from reprisals. 1. Nkayi District: GMB and FFW Informants on food abuse in Nkayi numbered 30 over 3 months. One key informant conducted his own field information gathering exercise, and presented the authors with written documents from 18 key individuals, including one of the few pieces of written evidence from a perpetrator. Lists were compiled by people resident in the wards and submitted to the authors in August - not all are clearly dated however. TOTAL: 1,437 people alleging human rights violations
related to food/food for work in terms of access denied on political
grounds. This discrimination seems to be policy, judging by some of the notes accompanying the lists, which include a note written by Councillor LN of Nkayi. He is a Zanu-PF councillor and his note clearly orders political discrimination against MDC, even recommending they have the size of their fields reduced, as by voting MDC they demonstrated they "don't want land". This note further states that food should only go to Zanu-PF and that MDC should "go stay with their whites and their Tsvangirai". In two cases accompanying notes explain that MDC people are told they cannot benefit from the government. They also indicate that war veterans and Zanu-PF are refusing MDC people access to GMB grain and even to commercial stores (see Annex 2). Sworn statement - Nkayi On 25th October 2002, a sworn affidavit was made
in the presence of one of us and a commissioner of oaths. The following
is a summary. Opinion From evidence to hand, political abuse of food in Nkayi, appears to have been continuous since the outcome of the Presidential election in March, until the present. The dominant ways of accessing maize in the district appear to be through Grain Marketing Board (GMB) sales or through "food for work" (FFW). Both are reported to be widely politically manipulated.
Bubi District in Matabeleland North was visited by the authors three times during August 2002, and 21 interviews were carried out in the ward on an individual basis. This was in response to information that in some wards, systematic political abuse of FFW and GMB sales was taking place. The interviews indicated the following: In June, there was a delivery of GMB food to a particular ward. This was only the second delivery to this ward this year. The local Zanu-PF councillor SN allowed around 90 known Zanu supporters to purchase maize at the government controlled price. He then refused to sell the remainder to "MDC families", and took the maize, which was a substantial number of bags (reported as close on one truckload) to his home. This Zanu-PF councillor thereafter sold the maize at extortionist prices to the community members, at up to 10 times the government controlled price. This councillor also on one occasion swopped two 50 kg bags of maize, for a live beast from an MDC supporter. The maize has a controlled price value of Z$1,100 and the beast an estimated sale value of Z$15,000. In this same ward, it was reported that 114 community members took part for FFW during June and July. However, when the payment came for the work, in August, only 27 known Zanu supporters received payment, and 87 known MDC supporters received no payment. However, their money was nonetheless signed for. One interviewee who had seen the signed list reported that the same signatures appeared repeatedly opposite multiple names. Interviewees were very bitter at having performed hours of work for no pay. Other interviewees from neighbouring wards reported being denied the right to take part in FFW schemes, because they were considered to be MDC members. One female interviewee reported how she had been allowed to do FFW before the presidential election. However, she was an MDC polling officer during the election period, since when she has been thrown out of the FFW scheme. Opinion Twenty-one testimonies given independently from two wards in this district were found to be consistent with one another. They indicate systematic withholding of food from MDC supporters by the same few named Zanu-PF officials in their area. This manipulation occurs both through the FFW schemes and through control of who can purchase from GMB. Several statements corroborated the existence of a maize black market controlled by Zanu-PF officials. 3. Other districts and urban centres: GMB We have had consistent reports on the political abuse of GMB sales in the following districts and urban centres: Hwange, Lupane, Binga, Nkayi, Matobo, Bulilimamangwe, Bulawayo, Gwanda South, Mberengwa East, Gokwe, Zhombe, Kwekwe, Gutu, Masvingo Central, Masvingo South, Zaka. In each of these districts or centres, between 3
and 10 individual face to face interviews were conducted with persons
from that area. In all cases, people report that they as alleged
MDC supporters have been denied the right to purchase maize from
GMB. In many cases, those reporting abuse of food access did so
in the context of reporting other human rights abuses, such as torture
or property loss. In some instances, people are denied access to GMB and FFW by name; in a small rural area, people's political affiliations are known. This can mean being thrown out by name at public meetings to discuss food distribution , as in Example 2 following, or it can mean having your name left off a list of approved buyers that is used by those in charge of GMB sales. In the larger centres including urban centres such
as Masvingo, and in some suburbs of Bulawayo, it is reported that
people have to produce a Zanu-PF card in order to buy food. Furthermore,
some GMB distribution points insist on old Zanu-PF cards: those
purchased since the presidential election are assumed to have been
bought for pragmatic reasons, in order to get maize, and not to
reflect genuine loyalty to the ruling party. Opinion The reports are consistent from all these regions, which include districts and urban centres from 5 provinces. The reports come from a multitude of informants, both male and female, young and old, educated and less educated. What those being denied food have in common, is their affiliation, real or imagined, to the MDC. The fact that these reports are similar and from individuals who are widespread in distance and time, indicates a high likelihood that the claimed pattern of abuse is taking place.
The previous PHR-DK report documented instances of political abuse of donor food in some rural districts. Recent statements and three visits during October indicate that the political abuse of food continues, although it reportedly now affects fewer wards. This has been indicated by ten different informants, and confirmed by on-site visits to homesteads. The child on the front of this report is from an
MDC supporting family in Midlands that allegedly was consistently
denied access to food, including to World Food Programme (WFP) food,
on political grounds. The mother allegedly has had to surrender
her affiliation to MDC in order to get on to WFP feeding lists in
order to save the life of this child and her 8 other children. Interview with mother of child The mother DD has 9 children under the age of 12 in her household. She was an active MDC supporter before the Presidential elections and has had trouble accessing food all year as a result. Shortly before the RDC elections, she realised that her food situation was desperate. She realised that her children were in serious danger of starving to death and she did not know what to do. She realised that MDC was not in a position to help, and that as long as she remained an MDC supporter, she would not get food, because that is what everyone in her ward has repeatedly been told by Zanu-PF officials. She has tried repeatedly during 2002 to get on to WFP feeding lists and was told by the local community leaders responsible for drawing up lists, that she was not eligible as she was MDC. The kraalhead named T came to her home and told her she had to surrender her MDC cards if she wanted to benefit from World Food Programme donor food. This was shortly before the Rural District Council elections. DD said she was made to carry her MDC card to the kraalhead's place to publicly surrender her card there and buy a Zanu-PF card. Immediately on doing this, she was declared as now being eligible for WFP food, and was placed on to their feeding lists. The photograph of her youngest child was taken a few days after she had surrendered her right to support the political party of her choice, in order to save the lives of her children. Example 2: MDC supporters expelled from WFP meeting, by Zanu-PF officials We received multiple reports, including from eye witnesses, of events at a meeting held in a Midlands district on 14th October 2002, called to revise the list of beneficiaries for WFP donor food. These reports, given both by those personally named, and also by eye witnesses not forced to leave the meeting, consistently claim that 10 known MDC supporters, most of whom had represented MDC in an official capacity during the recent RDC elections, were called out by name and forced to leave the meeting. This was done by Zanu-PF officials before the arrival of WFP officials, who may have remained ignorant of what had just happened. This underlines the way in which Zanu-PF out-manoeuvres WFP officials at times, ensuring that WFP is not always aware that their food lists are being manipulated. • The process of being forced to leave was designed
to create maximum humiliation for those named. Two Zanu-PF officials
(names given) announced that they would call out those people who
supported MDC and who were therefore not eligible for food from
the WFP donor programme. Example 3: On 25th October 2002, a sworn affidavit was made in the presence of one of the authors, giving further detailed background on the abuse of WFP food in this same Midlands district. It further indicates denial of access to borehole water on political grounds, a type of discrimination previously documented in the May PHR-DK report, as occurring in this same district. The interviewee recounted in his affidavit and in
person how: Opinion Informants from one ward of one district in the Midlands gave consistent reports about abuse of donor food in their area. Four eye witnesses gave identical accounts of MDC supporters being thrown out of a WFP meeting by Zanu-PF officials. The fact that persons interviewed at different times and places gave consistent and detailed accounts of events, indicates a high probability that the claimed events took place. • Over the last three months, many first and second hand testimonies were collected about politically discriminatory practices against MDC supporters affecting all avenues of access to food, including GMB sales, FFW programmes, and food distributed by international NGOs. • Interviewees were from 18 districts and urban centres from 5 provinces. Their testimonies were consistent over time and place, indicating a pattern of political manipulation of food that is widespread, in particular in relation to government controlled maize through GMB and FFW. • Manipulation of food was directly related to elections; the ruling party openly threatened vulnerable rural communities with starvation if Zanu-PF was not elected. • Manipulation of donor food was detailed by ourselves in one district only, although media reports indicate at least two other districts where such manipulation occurs. • In all cases of problematic food distribution, those implicated in politically manipulating access to food are Zanu-PF supporters; such abuse of power is not limited to war veterans, youth militia and elected councillors, but includes headmasters, businessmen, chiefs and traditional leadership. • In the cases of selective feeding practices brought to its attention during October 2002, the international donor is in the process of intervening to end the discriminatory practice. • However, it is clear that this scheme has been discriminatory for months without the donor being aware. This points to a need for a revised monitoring system on the ground. • Monitoring should include verification that villagers on the feeding lists all qualify as high risk, and are not selected on party political lines. This will imply contact with key informants from the local community other than the Zanu-PF dominated leadership. In communities split through the middle, political neutrality can only be achieved by including in discussions, those identified as "enemies of the state", including opposition party representatives and civil society. • Zanu-PF appears to be maintaining a situation where there is too little food in the country, by controlling all sales and imports. Too little food is serving a dual purpose: it allows political control through controlling who accesses food; it facilitates the creation of a Zanu-PF dominated black market, thus enriching the Zanu-PF hierarchy. • Strategies need to be found to dramatically increase the flow of food into the country, and to free it from government control, which is equivalent to partisan Zanu-PF control. • If it is not possible to increase non-partisan
food supplies into the country, it is our opinion that starvation
and eventually death, will occur along party political lines in
Zimbabwe. All interviews and examinations took place from August to November 2002. The cases summarised here represent only a fraction of approximately 80 people who, during this period, reported ill treatment or torture to the authors. Interviews and findings All examinations were carried out in the following manner: the history of torture or ill treatment (a) is compared to the examinee's description of ensuing symptoms (b) and the results of the clinical examination (c). In each individual case, it is appraised whether there is consistency between these three elements (a-c), thereby on medical grounds assessing the validity of the statements of torture. The exception is Case C, where case details were compiled with permission from two affidavits made by those involved in the case, in one instance an eye-witness, and in the other instance the surgeon who operated on the victim. All examinees agreed to be interviewed and examined with a view to publishing evidence of violence committed during the period August to October 2002. Furthermore they agreed that photographs of their injuries could be published as long as their faces were not exposed. Permission was given for the use of the photograph of the child on the title page. In this report, all examined persons are anonymous, and exact location of incidents is omitted, to protect interviewees and their families from reprisals. The exception to this is Case C, which received media attention and which is already in the public domain. In the following case descriptions, "Present Violence" summarises the accounts the examinees gave to us. All examinees reported that they had been attacked for political reasons, some being supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change, the dominant opposition party in Zimbabwe, and others being assumed to be so. Some were reportedly attacked as part of a general repression of their community. It was considered too risky to approach supporters of the ruling party to get information about possible human rights abuses committed by the political opposition; documentation of such violations has been done before. The definition of torture in the UN Convention against torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment was used: "Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him/ her or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act s/he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him/her or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity." Case A Male MDC supporter assaulted by the police together
with others, in a police station Date of incident: 9 October 2002 Personal history Interviewee is a rural farmer in his thirties, and is an active member of the MDC. Present violence On 9 October 2002 at around 7 pm, the interviewee
passed through the rural business centre on his way home from work.
He went into S Trading store to buy some food when 3 men entered;
one was in Support Unit police uniform and the other 2 were recognized
as "war veterans" who work at the Zanu PF offices. The
policeman had a gun. One of the others had a long baton stick, the
other a short baton and a sjambok. Overnight, there were 8 MDC supporters in the one
cell, lying without blankets on the concrete floor. They received
neither food nor water for the 20 hours they were in the cells.
Present health and psychological observations The interviewee reports pain in the chest, pelvic
area, left index finger, and soles of feet. Physical findings Torso: Some tenderness on palpation of left hypogastrium,
no guarding. Lower spine and both renal areas, left more so than
right, painful on percussion. Medical opinion The statement of torture, the reported symptoms and
the clinical findings are consistent with one another. The lacerations
on the wrists are in accordance with the report of the interviewee
having been cut with a sharp instrument while face down in handcuffs,
and the tenderness in the renal area and lower spine is consistent
with beatings to the back (the history of blood in the urine ties
in with this, but it could not be found any more, on examination).
The sensitive soles are in accordance with beatings to them. Case B Male MDC supporter assaulted by police together with others, in a police station Date of incident: 9 October 2002 Personal history Interviewee is a rural farmer in his thirties and is an active MDC member. Present violence On Wednesday 9 October 2002 the interviewee reports
having spent the day at the local rural business centre looking
unsuccessfully for maize meal. At around 7 pm the interviewee was
met by 3 youth militia in civilian clothing. They are known to the
interviewee as they were operating in his area during the presidential
campaign - one name given. This named youth militia is referred
to as being now involved in selling grain at the local GMB depot.
They were not carrying any visible weapons, but were in the company
of a local Support Unit policeman in riot gear with a baton stick.
The policeman accused the interviewee of being one of those who whistle at the terminus at night and said he should be taken to the police station [this is a reference to the fact that MDC youth commonly blow whistles as part of their campaigning strategy]. He was taken to a white twin cab, with "Zanu PF" painted on it. He was ordered to sit in the back. The interviewee recognized three people in the car - names given. They are known to the interviewee as from Criminal Investigations Department (CID) and from the police. They drove around for about 30 minutes, looking for others, before meeting a police vehicle. In the vehicle there were 3 policemen. There was also HM [client A], T, I, H, D and L. They were handcuffed in twos while HM had his hands cuffed behind his back. Both vehicles drove to the police station, where the men, now numbering eight, were made to take off clothing and shoes and were taken one at a time to a nearby store-room. This was almost empty except for a baton stick and a sjambok which was used to beat them. Interviewee B was the third to go into the small
room. He was led by one policeman and found 2 others in the store
room, all wearing police uniforms. They made him lie face down on
the floor, and told him not to move while he was beaten. He was
then beaten with a sjambok, and later with a baton stick under both
feet and on his the back. The 3 policemen took turns at beating
him. The beating lasted for some 10 minutes. He was handcuffed throughout.
Eight men slept in one small cell without any blankets, food or water. The interviewee states that he did not sleep that night because of his pain, the cold weather and the hardness of the floor. In the morning, a policeman [named] told the interviewee
to produce an MDC card. The interviewee denied having an MDC card
or supporting the MDC. He was immediately contradicted by another
policeman [named] and a member of the Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO). The latter slapped him on the face, accusing him of supporting
the MDC. The interviewee protested that he used to support the MDC
but did not do so any longer. The interviewee reports that it took them a long time to walk home as they were in great pain. He arrived at his home after taking 3 hours to walk 4 km. His grandfather gave him money to go to Bulawayo to get treatment. Present health and psychological observations The interviewee moves with discomfort and his feet
are sensitive when walking or standing. He reports pain on both
feet and on his back. Physical findings Torso: No visible lacerations; darkening of skin
and sensitivity to touch in the lumbar region. Medical opinion The statement of torture, the reported symptoms and
the clinical findings are all consistent with one another. The sensitivity
in the lumbar region is in accordance with having been beaten by
a blunt instrument. Sensitivity in the wrist is in accordance with
being forced to crawl while handcuffed to another, and the scabs
on the knees further corroborate this history. Opinion of cases A and B assessed together The fact that two interviewees, interviewed and examined separately from one another, gave close to identical accounts of events, and revealed similar clinical findings, further corroborates the claims of torture of multiple victims in the same police station, in the same night.
MDC campaign official involved in by-election to
elect a new Member of Parliament in Insiza district, shot in the
back by the Zanu-PF candidate, in a police station in front of police.
This incident has been well publicised and is now a matter before the courts. The name of the injured campaign manager and of some other individuals involved have therefore not been removed from the account of events, although others have. The account of events is extracted from 2 sworn affidavits, one of which was placed before the High Court on 22nd October 2002 and is therefore a matter of public record. This affidavit is by an eye witness to events in Filabusi; the eye witness is an Alderman to the City of Bulawayo of 11 years' standing. The other affidavit is by the surgeon who operated on Darlington Kadengu. Photographs included were taken by the operating surgeon. Date of incident: 15 October 2002 Summary of eye witness account of the shooting: full affidavit is available On Tuesday 15 October a vehicle left Bulawayo heading for Filabusi for MDC campaign purposes. The car contained posters, t-shirts and Z$ 5 million in cash. Those in the car noticed they were being followed by two other vehicles, one of which overtook them and blocked their path about 7 km from the MDC campaign centre in Insiza. Three occupants wielding guns disembarked from the front vehicle [car model and registration given], and became threatening. Those in the MDC campaign vehicle picked up stones, but realised these would be useless against guns, and fled away from the road. They observed the armed men removing all the campaign material including the Z$5 million from their vehicle, load it into their own vehicle and leave. The MDC officials returned to their car and reported the theft at the nearest police station, who referred them to Filabusi police station. They arrived there around midnight and began making a report. One of those present recognised one of the two vehicles that had been involved in the theft, which had no number plates, passing by. People disembarked from this vehicle and pulled down MDC campaign posters near the police station. The police were informed that this was happening. Three of the MDC campaign party trailed the car without number plates, but then fled back to the police station, reporting that they had been shot at. Within minutes, the same car without number plates approached the police station at high speed and everybody fled into the police Charge Office. The Zanu-PF candidate, Andrew Langa, was witnessed shooting the MDC official Darlington Kadengu in the back with a gun, right in the police Charge Office and in front of the police. An MDC election agent, Wilson Phiri, was assaulted in front of the Officer-in-Charge by the Zanu-PF election agent, Mr Hove. The police station erupted into chaos. Reinforcements were called in from other police stations, and the police advised the MDC officials that they should stay in police detention for their own safety: the Zanu-PF group had proven ready to shoot somebody in the police station, so any MDC official leaving the station that night could face a sorry fate. The police spoke at length to those in the Zanu-PF campaign group, but refused to speak to the MDC group. The shot and wounded person was not allowed to leave the station overnight, but was transferred the next day to Filabusi and then Gwanda hospitals. In the morning on 16th, Andrew Langa returned and warned the MDC officials against campaigning: the theft of materials was simply a warning and worse would follow. Langa's group deflated all tyres on the MDC campaign vehicles parked outside, and threatened to burn the cars. They further threatened to "separate the head from the neck" of the sworn witness. All threats and the vandalism to the vehicles was in full view and hearing of police officers. When the MDC officials were advised that a docket would be opened, they assumed this was a docket against Andrew Langa. However, it became apparent that they themselves were the accused. At 4 pm on the 16th, they were placed in police cells. At 11 pm they were driven to Gwanda police station where they were verbally harassed by police and then locked up in cells. On 17th October, they were taken before Gwanda Court, paid bail and were released. They were not advised of the charges they were facing and made no warned and cautioned statement. Part of the bail conditions forbade the accused, all of whom are key MDC officials, from returning to Insiza, thus severely undermining MDC campaign activities ahead of the by-election there on 26th and 27th October 2002.
"The Daily News reported on 17th October 2002 the wounding of MDC agent, Darlington Kadengu, apparently by the Zanu-PF candidate, Andrew Langa, intent on shooting his way into parliament. That this occurred within a police station, and the victim was subsequently arrested is hardly credible. • Mr Kadengu was ferried from Filabusi via Gwanda to Bulawayo, where he was noted to be in stable condition with no neurological deficit, and no respiratory problems. • There was a 7 cm linear laceration on the lower left back opposite the 10th rib. • An attempt had been made in Gwanda to extract a shotgun pellet which was noted on anteroposterior and lateral chest radiographs. These show the metallic foreign body, entirely consistent with a shotgun pellet, lying just inferior to the left 10th rib approximately in its mid-portion. • No pneumo- or haemothorax is noted. Lung fields are normal. • Following discussion with Mr Kadengu, it was resolved to attempt to search for and extract the said foreign body, with the reservation that sometimes this is either not possible or would involve excessive dissection to be indicated. • Operation was carried out in the prone position under lignocaine local anaesthesia, with added sedation using 10 mg medazolam intravenously. The wound was extended superiolaterally by 5cm, after location of the position of the foreign body by the radiographs available. No foreign body could, however, be palpated in the position described. • Image intensification radiology in theatre subsequently demonstrated that the foreign body was lying behind the 10th rib inside the chest. Extraction would involve opening the pleura, which was not considered justified. The wound was closed in layers. • The condition of the patient post-operatively was fully conscious, and haemodynamically stable, breathing quietly on room air. Attached are photographs taken in theatre of (a) the wound, (b) the anteroposterior chest radiograph." M.H.C, MA, MBBS, FRCS, FACS, FCS(ECSA).
Case s D, E, and F Assault of 3 civilians, 2 female, 1 male, in the same vehicle at police road block, and then at a police station Date of incident: 18 August 2002 Personal history The 3 interviewees are husband, wife and sister-in-law. They are office workers with tertiary education and are in their forties. Present violence The interviewee E runs a rural business in addition to his white collar work in town. He signed a lease with the Forestry Commission for the use of the land for his store, and this lease expired at the end of 2001. He continued to operate the store, until the police brought it to his attention that he needed to renew the lease. He was also fined $5,000. On 18th August, E, together with his wife, his two children aged 5 and 10, his sister and brother in law, and 2 other men, went by E's vehicle to the local rural police station. E was on his way to town and wished to pay his fine and anticipated no problems in doing this. However, when he entered the police station, another sergeant was on duty, who became highly abusive of E. He said that he wanted to imprison E, and fine him more money. He was also abusive of E for not being able to speak Shona, but only Ndebele. E argued with the police officer for a while, and then decided to leave the police station and return to pay the fine another day, when the previous officer was on duty. He got into his vehicle and drove off, without hindrance. However, about 9km further down the road, a police vehicle came rushing up behind them, with sirens going, and forced them off the road nearly causing an accident. E stopped the car and while the engine was still running, he, his wife and his sister and brother in law were dragged out of the car and beaten. This was in front of the two small children, aged 5 and 10, who cried in panic at seeing their parents assaulted and forced into the police car. The three were assaulted by 6 police officers, using booted feet, fists and police batons. They were placed in handcuffs and taken back to the police station in the police vehicle. Here the assaults continued, in the Charge Office. Case F, female, reported that the wives of the police
officers were in the station, and they cheered their husbands on
to beat them harder. Case D, female, reported the use of baton sticks,
booted feet and hands against her. She reported 3 baton sticks broke
across her body during the assault. She has suffered much pain over
the body for many days. Case E, husband of D, was similarly assaulted,
but not quite so seriously as his wife, and has suffered pains in
various parts of the body. D and F were placed in a guarded room for 24 hours.
They received no food, no medical or legal attention, although they
were able to draw water from a tap outside their room. Case D: wife of E The interviewee was unable to submit to full examination due to the severe pain and psychological discomfort in the immediate wake of the assault, so was examined in detail 15 days after the assault. She was examined briefly in her private practitioner's room on 20th August. The injuries seen at this time were recorded in more detail on 2nd September. The x-ray of the left hand was seen on 20th August. Present health and psychological observations Lucid, fully orientated woman, giving a clear account.
However, speaking of the event and being examined is obviously traumatic
for her. While she wants her case recorded and wants prosecution
of those who beat her, she is very anxious and upset about the events.
Physical findings Head X-ray report of left hand: 20th August 2002 Lower limbs Medical opinion The injuries and features observed and recorded above
are consistent with severe trauma to both arms, right shoulder,
left hand, both buttocks and both legs around the time indicated.
Heavy multiple blows with wide blunt instruments were likely used.
Examined 2 weeks after assault, as his wife was not ready to be examined prior to this. Present health and psychological observations Lucid, fully orientated man giving a clear account. He expressed great concern for his wife who was more severely assaulted than himself and was angry about the attack. He intends to press legal charges against the police. He also expressed much anger and anxiety about the fact that her two small children had been forced to witness violence against her and her husband, and that they had then spent a terrifying day, not knowing where their parents were or what had happened to them. He was concerned that they might need counselling. Physical findings Right shoulder and arm: A tender, boggy spot in the
supraspinatus area, ill defined. A few bruises on the ventral aspect
of the lower third of forearm. Small circumferential linear scar
(3 cm) of wrist. Medical opinion Above injuries are consistent with blows to the body
(upper limbs, trunk and lower limbs). The marks on the right wrist
are consistent with having been handcuffed in the recent past.
Examined on 28 August 2002 Present health and psychological observations The interviewee is experiencing some pain which is slowly resolving at 10 days. She is generally quiet, with normal affect. She is lucid and clearly concerned for the health of her sister and brother-in-law. Physical findings Head Medical opinion The injuries are highly consistent with the given
history of heavy blows to the body with broad, blunt object some
10 days prior to this examination.
Two MDC youths assaulted by police after accusation of theft Date of incident: 1 August 2002 Personal history Both interviewees are male, single, rural farmers in their twenties. Present violence The interviewees were picked up by 2 Support Unit
policemen while at a funeral near their rural homes. The names of
the policemen are known to the interviewees. The police accused
the two of stealing some turkeys from a neighbour. Case G Present health and psychological observations The interviewee was examined 22 days after the reported
assault. Physical findings Back: 2 scars, both of similar size and shape. Left
shoulder tip: irregular, E-shaped, superficial scar, 3.5 x 10 cm.
Over left mid-scapular area, irregular, L-shaped scar 3.5 x10 cm.
Medical opinion The statement of assault, the reported symptoms and the clinical findings are consistent with one another. The observed injuries are in keeping with the given history of two blows to the back and left shoulders with a sharp object and blunt trauma to left knee. Abraded skin around wrist is in keeping with being beaten and pulled in handcuffs. All injuries are at a stage of healing consistent with injuries inflicted between 10 to 30 days prior to examination.
Present health and psychological observations The interviewee was examined 22 days after the reported
assault. Physical findings Torso: Slight general tenderness on manual rib compression,
slight tenderness of lower breastbone (xiphisternum). Medical opinion The statement of assault, the reported symptoms and the clinical findings are consistent with one another. The observed injuries are in keeping with the given history of blunt trauma with moderate force to the central chest. Abraded skin at left wrist is in keeping with being beaten and pulled in handcuffs. All injuries are at a stage of healing consistent with having been inflicted between 10 to 30 days prior to examination. Case J Physical and psychological ill treatment of an NGO project officer involved in civic education in M Province, by Zanu-PF officials and war veterans Date of incident: 10 September 2002 Personal History Trainer in civic education for local NGO, middle aged, female. Present violence The interviewee states that she was in a rural district on 10 September 2002 where she was supposed to conduct a training workshop for members of her NGO, dealing with constitutional rights. There were 30 participants. At around 10.00 am, 2 trucks, one labelled Zanu-PF and another written DDC (District Development Council), arrived and then departed. One of the workshop conveners became anxious, as he knows that NGOs are regarded with suspicion in rural areas, and said the workshop should be ended and everyone should leave at once. The interviewee states that she proceeded shortly thereafter to the main road some 3 km away, but there she was accosted by a well known local war veteran called M and 2 others in a vehicle. M insisted on the interviewee accompanying the 3 of them in their vehicle, saying that she wanted to turn Zimbabwe into a colony and that she was anti Zanu-PF. The interviewee was forced to accompany the 3 to the Zanu-PF headquarters. She was taken into an office where there was a bench,
a table and a chair. In the office she noticed MDC scarves and MDC
T-shirts, which she assumed had been confiscated. A man named H
and a middle aged woman interrogated her. H told her that she was
going to die and that her soft legs were going to turn black. One of those present told the interviewee that she should not be a heroine, because that would lead to her death. Twenty four others came in and asked the interviewee the same questions about her presence in the district. She was taken to a place on a river bank, where she was threatened with death. She reports seeing many footprints, human faeces and blood coloured pools in the riverbed. She was made to sit on a bench during the interrogation and the back of her head was repeatedly banged against the wall behind her. One war veteran came with a plank that had nails stuck on it and told the interviewee to put her feet on it. She said that she was a diabetic and that any injuries would lead to complications in healing. She had some relief from a SiNdebele speaking person who dealt less harshly with her and gave some helpful advice on how to respond. However, she was forced to stand on the plank, but managed to do so with extra care and not to put a lot of pressure on the nails. She had punctures to her feet, but there was no bleeding. The 24 present forced her to sit with legs outstretched and put cushions on her thighs. About five of them then started treading on her thighs with booted feet. They told her the cushion was to avoid leaving distinct marks on her skin. They were singing "Hondo Yeminda" during the stamping. They did this for several minutes. She reports that she felt nauseated, in addition to her other physical pain. On opening the flip chart that the interviewee was using at the training centre they realized that she had written "$31 000 for projects", and they accused her of campaigning for the MDC. The interviewee told them that this was for projects for people in that district and at that time they stopped harassing her. They wanted to know how they could access the money and she told them that if she survived, then they could get the money. A police officer from the next office was called in. His name is EZ [address given]. They then ordered the interviewee to write a statement that they had taken her to Zanu-PF offices and that they had not tortured her either mentally or physically and that nothing had been taken from her. The interviewee signed the statement together with one war veteran and the police officer who also stamped the letter. The statement remained with the war veterans. The interviewee was escorted at around 3.00pm to the local business centre, where she was forced to buy 4 litres of opaque beer, soft dinks and food for about 20 war veterans. The interviewee then boarded a taxi which had about 20 passengers in it. The war veterans also entered the bus and ordered everyone to sing "Hondo Yeminda". She reported her harassment at M Police Central, but the police kept referring her to the next person and then the next, because they felt the case was too sensitive. An inspector M eventually opened a complaint (file number and crime report numbers given). The following day the same inspector recorded statements from her. On leaving the district, the interviewee noted that she was being followed by a well-known Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) who is also a notorious war veteran, known for his violence (car registration given). The following day the interviewee visited her doctor, who was scared to deal with her in view of a circulating document which talks about the invasion of Ndebele homes and denying them education in order to destroy them. Present health and psychological observations The interviewee feels pain and stiffness all over the body, especially in the neck and arms. She reports some pain in the abdomen. She states that she has a headache and painful eyes. She further reports a stiff right jaw and discomfort on opening her mouth. She has a painful bruise over the inner left arm over the site of a "Norplant" insertion (contraceptive implant). She has pain in the soles of her feet. The interviewee is very angry and weepy and feels that she has lost her identity. She feels violated. She also feels very cold all the time, and reports that she is smoking too much. She is wondering whether she is going mad. She reports that she has loss of appetite, insomnia, and is very fearful; she keeps doors and windows closed and locked, and believes the Shonas are going to destroy the Ndebeles. Past Medical History Mild diabetes, managed by diet only for 30 years. She has palpitations needing treatment. She is asthmatic. Physical findings Head: Extreme tenderness over the whole occipital
and occipito-parietal area. No wounds or break in the skin. Somewhat
boggy feeling subcutaneously. Very tender posterior neck muscles.
Medical opinion The injuries observed are consistent with blows to back of head with blunt or plane object (consistent with head banging). The observed tenderness of neck, arms and thighs is consistent with pressure and rough handling. The observed punctate marks on the feet are consistent with light pressure of sharp objects. There is agreement between the description of physical ill treatment, the described symptoms and the clinical findings. The markings and tenderness are compatible with few days old injuries, and are consistent with the statement of assault. The obvious psychological trauma exhibited by the interviewee is a corroborative indicator of the claimed psychological intimidation and assault. Case K Assault of MDC supporter by war veterans during rural
district council election campaign. Date of incident: 6 September 2002 Personal history Elderly communal farmer, married, 5 children. He was assaulted and had property destroyed in late March, in the wake of the presidential elections this year. Present violence Interviewee states that on the 6th September around
2.00 pm, B came to his home and told him that there was a meeting
at S school to discuss who should stand as the Zanu-PF candidate
in the forthcoming council elections. There was some disagreement
over who the candidate should be, among the Zanu supporters present.
The meeting ended around 3 pm, and those present went to the shops.
The interviewee was having a beer, when M came to him and said people
wanted to see him (several names given). Present health and psychological observations The interviewee is lucid and gives a clear history; he is fully oriented in time and space. He feels pain on the right temporal region when opening his mouth during eating. The pain is not getting worse. He also states that he has dizziness and headaches at times. His vision is disturbed: he cannot see at all with the right eye since the assault. He feels dizziness and has a staggering gait which he says started after the beating incident. His sleep is disturbed since the assault. He is very anxious about events, in particular the pending assault case against him and the prospect of jail. When talking about the current assault and the one a few months ago, which included major property loss, he weeps openly. He is bitter that he has had to pay such a heavy price for expressing his preference for another political party. Physical findings Face Intervention Patient referred as an emergency to an Eye Unit for urgent treatment by ophthalmologist. Final assessment of disability can only be given when the condition/s stabilize. Medical opinion Fresh injuries are consistent with history of trauma
to head, right eye and face, with blunt rough object, using moderate
force some 4 to 7 days prior to examination. There is full agreement
between the description of ill treatment, the described symptoms
and the clinical findings. The lesions on right eye, nose and upper
lip are in a straight line with each other, consistent with one
heavy blow across face with a heavy blunt object. Case L Assault on MDC Rural District Council candidate on nomination day, Matabeleland North. Date of incident: 5 September 2002 Personal History Married, with 3 surviving children. A retired man now residing in rural areas. Standard five level of education. Former Zapu supporter who joined MDC in 1999. Present violence On the 5th September at about 11am the interviewee
arrived at the N Rural District Council offices in order to register
his nomination as a candidate in the rural district council elections.
Mr K, the Zanu-PF councillor, insulted the interviewee, saying "the
dogs have arrived, dogs that support whites. But now that we are
here, they shiver, look at them." LT, a war veteran, came and
said, "this is a white man's dog." At 20.00 hours on 5th September the interviewee finally
left the nominations court, having registered his intention to stand
for election. By the door, councillor K grabbed him by the collar
and some Zanu-PF supporters held him from behind. The interviewee
saw Mr LT approach from the side, and assault him on the head. He
noted LT was carrying a stone. LT hit him again and he fell down
with blood oozing from his head. Mr K then kicked the prone interviewee
in the stomach, hips and back. This took place right outside the
Nominations Court. On the 7th the interviewee went to M clinic where he was informed that Zanu-PF youth were looking for him to further assault him under the instructions of Mr K. The interviewee was further told that one of his neighbours had been beaten, and the local kraalhead had been threatened. These assaults and threats are the latest in a longstanding attack on traditional leaders perceived not to support Zanu-PF. According to the interviewee, the traditional leadership, which operates on a system of inheritance over generations, has been "dismissed" and replaced with a selected committee of political structure under Zanu-PF, revised every three months. He gave the names of 4 suspended traditional leaders, "dismissed' in July. 4 Zanu-PF supporters have been appointed in their place and are in charge of all activities which normally fall under the traditional leadership. Their main activity is to distribute maize and "money for work". The local chief has condemned this suspension of the kraalheads, but in vain. Present health and psychological observations The interviewee is a lucid man in good general health. He is very angry about the treatment he has received and became agitated when relating his story. He is nervous about the possibility of further assault, and concerned about how he can conduct an election campaign in such an atmosphere. Physical findings Head Medical opinion: There is full agreement between the description of
torture, the described symptoms and the clinical findings. The position
of the lesions on the head and their severity highly corroborate
the description of assault, indicating: Case M Assault of wife of elected MDC rural district councillor in Matabeleland North Date of incident: 12 October 2002 Personal History Community health worker, married with 3 children.
Present violence On 29th September 2002, her husband won the position
of elected councillor for his ward in the RDC elections. He won
his seat and she states that Zanu-PF were very angry about this.
Their group also assaulted her husband (Case Z ) who came out when she called for help. She was struck on the head, right elbow and the front of the chest and back. Stones, iron bars, knobkerries, logs and fists were used. She had some treatment at the local clinic (clinic records not seen). The crowd also seriously vandalised the house, breaking
24 window panes and 3 metal doors. Present health and psychological observations The interviewee is lucid and articulate. She reports
that she has headaches, insomnia, and some difficulty in breathing,
but no cough. Other functions normal. She has been a well person,
never previously seriously ill. Physical findings Head: Sutured elliptical laceration, 3 cm long (3
stitches) in right occipital region of head. Semi-encrusted lesion,
1 cm x 3 mm, approximately 5 cm behind sutured lesion. Entire skull
sensitive to touch. Medical opinion The injuries seen are consistent with blows to the
trunk and arms with blunt rough objects. The circular wound on the
back could be due to a thrust with a circular object (a pipe for
example). The injury to the left knee could be due to blows with
rough blunt objects or fall on to rough surface. Case N Assault of elected MDC Rural District Councillor in Matabeleland North Date of incident: 12 October 2002 Personal History Middle aged male, self employed, married with 3 children.
Present violence On 29th September 2002, the interviewee won the position of elected councillor for his ward in the Rural District Council elections. He stood for the MDC, and Zanu-PF was very angry that he won this seat. On 12th October 2002 at 14.00 hours, he was attacked
by a group of (estimated) 200-300 Zanu-PF district members with
militia and local people (some known to him; names recorded). They
subjected him to challenges and insults of political nature. He
was subjected to unprovoked attack as he left his house to answer
the call of his wife EM, who was attacked first while she was washing
plates outside. Present health and psychological observations The interviewee is a lucid man, giving a clear history.
He is slightly anxious, also at times angry, but controlled. Physical findings Head There is full agreement between the description of torture, the described symptoms and the clinical findings. The possibility of visual loss, loss of function and disability in the use of his left forearm and index finger exists. The final outcome can be established in or after 3 months. The lesions, markings and tenderness on the head, left arm and trunk, are all compatible with ten day old injuries, and their location and appearance are highly consistent with the statement of assault, placing his given history beyond reasonable doubt.
Reported motive for attack: Reported perpetrators: Time period of attacks: Location of incidents:
Type of reported torture: Attitude of the police: In 5 of the above 9 cases, charges were actually laid by the police against the victims, rather than against the perpetrators (which included themselves). In the remaining 4 cases, the victims were threatened with being charged in the future, if they continued to support the MDC, but were released without charge, and without being able to lay charges against their perpetrators. In the 4 other cases, victims were assaulted by government
supporters. In none of the above 13 cases, was an actual perpetrator arrested or charged. Clinical assessment of the validity of statements: • The physical findings in all 13 cases are consistent with the allegations of the time and methods of torture suffered, and the symptoms described by the interviewees. Our examinations lead us to conclude that the interviewees' stories of torture and ill treatment as related to us are true. • Our investigations show beyond any reasonable doubt that in the second half of 2002, politically motivated torture continues to take place in Zimbabwe. • Groups affiliated to the Government commit torture and ill-treatment, as indicated consistently by all cases examined in our series. • The extremely high number of cases - 7 out of 13 - in which police officers are indicated as perpetrators, supports the assertion by other commentators that there is an increase in torture perpetrated by the police. • The fact that all individuals were tortured or ill treated for political motives, and the fact that no prosecutions against perpetrators have been made in any of the cases, points to a deliberate policy by the authorities. • The pattern of impunity is further underlined by the fact that perpetrators do not care whether they torture people who can identify them, or whether their torture or ill treatment leaves marks that can easily be recognised as caused by torture. • Our findings are in complete agreement with the findings of both the January and May 2002 missions, and with the descriptions of recent cases given by other observers. International Amnesty International: AI has continued to produce
regular statements and Urgent Actions, expressing their deep concern
about the continued abuse of human rights in Zimbabwe, and the repression
of human rights activists and civil society. International Crisis Group: Zimbabwe: the politics
of national liberation and internal division. Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, New York, Independent lawyers and judges targeted in Zimbabwe, statement 22 August 2002. Rehabilitation and Research Centre for Torture Victims: an independent international organization based in Denmark, with 17 years' experience in treatment of torture survivors. In February 2001, they released a report on election violence linked to a by-election in Zimbabwe in January 2001. International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Survivors (IRCT): this is an independent, international health professional organization, which promotes and supports the rehabilitation of torture victims and works for the prevention of torture worldwide. They have produced their objective findings in two reports, in May 2000 and in June 2001. National Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum: Violence monitoring: a forum of Zimbabwean, Harare-based NGOs that have monitored the violence systematically and have produced systematic reports on abuses in the country. Food Security network (FOSENET): Community assessment
of the food situation in Zimbabwe, August-September, October monthly
reports, Harare. Annex 1: I, The undersigned Q, ID number XX do hereby make oath and state that: 1
I am unemployed and I reside at number 222, YY suburb in Bulawayo. The facts stated above are to my best knowledge,
information and belief true and correct.
Nkayi: documentation of food abuse The notes are included here in full (hand written originals in authors' possession): Nkayi RDC 19 March 2002 Beloved Councillor M Congratulations man for winning against Tshombe and his whites. I saw Mr N that you sent in connection with the case of the sellouts from S, N and his whole family from S. Listen handsome guy here at YY we will have party celebrations on Saturday at the clinic. ZANU PF is celebrating its victory in the last elections. We invite you and your youth that you mentioned. I think we still need to meet the elders (you and me), because these people have clearly demonstrated that they don't want land, even the size of their fields should be really reduced. They should go stay with their whites and their Tsvangirai. Food for work money should be paid to ZANU PF people. [author's underlining]
Councillor LN People who are supposed to be watched in the party 1. G N's mother - BN [NOTE ENDS]
"These names are for people who have not been
assisted because they belong to MDC.
"The names listed below are for people who have worked in the "food for work" programme but have not been paid. Even if grain from GMB comes we are not allowed to buy because we are supporters of MDC. We are also living in a tough situation because the Zanu-PF youths have come back to their bases although we have not observed what they are actually doing. The payments and the grain is manned by the war veterans and the Zanu-PF party personnel who state that we cannot benefit from anything from the government."
3 children chased from school by war veterans are also mentioned. The numbers are not comprehensive as most lists do not indicate number of dependants in affected families, which is why number of children is so low. Obviously, lists only cover those families the informant knows about. By Ward: Ward A: 23 adults (food)
DOCUMENTATION OF TORTURE This has been the purpose of all our missions. Mainly done by interviews with and medical examinations of torture victims, dead or alive. We have, from time to time, co-operated with several NGOs in- and outside the countries in which we have worked, notably Physicians for Human Rights/USA (Health Care Situation in Kuwait during the Iraqi occupation), Human Rights Watch Asia (Kashmir), PHR/UK (investigation of long-term effects of acoustic shocks used by Soviet elite soldiers OMON during uprising in Lithuania), , FAST (Families Against State Terrorism, Jamaica), CCFS, CIFA (Centre for International Forensic Assistance), several NGOs in Israel and Occupied Territories (autopsies of Palestinians who died in Shabak custody), and OSCE (Kosova). Examples of missions: Four fact finding missions
to both Pakistani and Indian held Kashmir. Secretary: Olav M. Vedel, M.D. Previous reports by PHR-DK on human rights violations
in Zimbabwe are available at: www.phrusa.org/healthrights/phr_denmark.html "We would be better off with only six million
people*, with our own people
who support the liberation struggle. We don't want all these extra
people". "By December, we estimate that 6.7 million Zimbabweans will be in need of food aid, but so far we only have food for 3.9 million … Food is coming in but it is not coming in fast enough … Within two months many more people will be hungry. We are looking at the possibility of major famine, major death. And yet the government is still obstructing food deliveries. I don't know why they are doing it at this point. They are hurting their own people … Government officials confirmed to me that they will not allow those non-governmental organisations to distribute food aid for political reasons, because the government views them as loyal to the opposition party. I said that is unacceptable. They are major international organisations with fine reputations for non-partisan activity." Tony Hall: US representative to the UN Food and Agriculture
Organisation, |
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